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Davis Goes Back to His Base "Once again, the Republicans are trying to steal an election from the Democrats," McAuliffe said. "Al Gore won the state of Florida, and Gray Davis won as governor in the state of California." To finance his campaign, Davis is preparing to collect millions of dollars from labor unions and other allies. Strategists say that if he raises much money before the stalled state budget passes, however, Davis would risk reviving accusations that he trades government favors for campaign money. Davis, who has long denied the allegations, sharply scaled back his fund-raising after he won reelection in November. "I'd rather not do it," Davis said in an interview last week at his state Capitol office. "I thought most of it was behind me, but obviously we'll have to gear up." Polls show that Republicans overwhelmingly support the recall, and they also suggest that Davis faces a challenge in keeping fellow Democrats from supporting his ouster. The Times Poll found that more than half of Democrats gave Davis negative job ratings, but the governor's advisors say they expect to persuade most of them to oppose the recall anyway, especially if the alternatives stay limited to Republicans and minor-party candidates. "We found in our research that the Democrats come home pretty quick," said David Doak, the Davis campaign's chief media advisor. But the governor's strained ties with labor, minority groups and other core factions of the party have complicated his quest for Democratic loyalty. When he took office in 1999, some of those groups expected Davis to adopt their agenda wholesale after 16 years in the political wilderness under Republican governors. Instead, Davis dashed their hopes by sticking largely to the centrist course that has defined his career. The powerful California Teachers Assn., a staunch ally in his 1998 campaign, withheld donations and criticized his school policies when he sought reelection. His refusal to sign a bill granting driver's licenses to illegal immigrants — a topic intensely covered by the Spanish-language media — led Latino Democrats in the Legislature last year to yank their endorsements. Now, Democratic groups are savoring their new leverage over Davis. His vulnerability was palpable at a Latino civil rights group's recent dinner in a Los Angeles hotel ballroom. The banquet host, Antonio Gonzalez, president of the Southwest Voter Registration Education Project, was blunt. "The governor is in a bit of a pickle, and he needs the Latino vote," Gonzalez told the crowd of several hundred Latinos. "So I thought I'd take the opportunity to tell the governor to help us help him." As Davis chatted with Mayor James K. Hahn at a front-row table, Gonzalez whipped up cheers by cranking up pressure on the governor. Shouting with a preacher's cadence, he called on Davis to sign the driver's license bill. "You all know the 'Jerry Maguire' movie? 'Help me help you,' " Gonzalez said. "Well, governor, we want you to help us help you." Moments later, Davis won a standing ovation for speaking in favor of the bill. "I believe that hard-working people who contribute to our economy, subsidize our food, make it easier for us to stay in a hotel, and have spent a good deal of time in this state ought to have the right to drive a car," he said. On Tuesday, Davis sought to mend fences with another ally, the Greenlining Institute, a group that promotes economic growth in urban minority areas. The group's leaders said Davis refused to meet with them during his reelection campaign and paid scant attention to their concerns.
Bob Gnaizda, general counsel to the group, said "dissatisfaction remains high" with Davis, but leaders
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